Re–moving
in Kumkapı
01. 2012
| Gülşah Aykaç | gulsahaykac@gmail.com
Abstract
Many urban renewal projects have
started in Istanbul. With a great speed, the city is transforming. There are
new residential zones like Batı Ataşehir and new shopping centres near/in them.
These new areas have labels like “new city center”, “your special city”, “a new
city without chaos”. Marketing
campaings have a view of “new cities”
and city. On the other hand there is a city and there are citizens which should
be discovered in urbanization process. With
the discussion of these two points, political power on human would be
questioned and body concept would be used as a methodology for remapping Kumkapı.
Firstly, how to use body concept is
critical in this research. Body is either a subject which is affected by
culture and outer environment, nor a trancendental core. One one hand, there is
a rigid term: Subject, and on the other hand an unknown knowledge is claimed
about body . Thoughts, which are mentioned
for urban space, have a tractive similarity with body concept in that
context. It is claimed that urban space has a history which signs to a rigid,
educated knowledge. Body is both a social and unique thing which creates the
center of perception. Comparably, not a senseless history but a living
collective memory could be talked for urban space.(Tanyeli, 2011)
These questions are asked to realize
political power on body which is structuring an urban sense.
How could these concepts be related with body / collective memory and
history?
How could “body” be used as a methodology for remapping Kumkapı? ”
To answer and observe these questions,
for three different times, a group with five people (1) went to “move” in
Kumkapı. The process would be interpreted in research as a new map of this
area. / political power / urban renewal
projects / marketing the new urban spaces and labeling the city / “liking” and
“consuming” / safety and nostalgia /
re-moving / movement in Kumkapı /
0.
As being a metropolis, Istanbul is
transforming rapidly . Not only space but also life is transforming. Transformations
in urban space and in life are processes which interlace and effect each other.
The concept of urban space, which used in this research, includes both built
environment and environment like roads, walkways, streets, parks, transporting
vehicles, stations and their relations such as sections, interactions. From
that paradigm, it could be permitted that change of how people perform in the
city could transform urban space with its relational layers.
Performing in the city could be read as
behavioral trends such as liking to dwell in a gated community, using some
well-known streets to load other places, having a manner to some lower-income
social groups because of identical difference, choosing to have time in malls.
All these actions, in mind and body, creates habits. According to Bourdieu, with these habits performing
bodies compose a habitus. Habitus is an urban space which emphazises a space
formed by body and movements. It can give a sense to read the city. Also it
shapes the space with habits and as a result of this affect, it is being used
by political power. (2)
Politics on body, effect people in
urbanisation processes with structuring new behavioral habits. So the body
politics should be tried to observe again and again with urbanization. Not only to question but also body and
movements could be a new methodology to re-map the city. Movement in Kumkapı is
oriented toward an experimentation in contact with this space, its movements
and relations. (3)
1.
Observing Body Politics In Urban Spaces
1.1.
What is body?
Body term is being used frequently,
especially in social sciences; but also in architecture, dance theories and
art. To constitute this term in context; general views and an approach will be
tried to presented. With that aim firstly an historical analyses could be
remarked from 17th century to present.
In 18th century there was a strong
dualism between mind and essence. According to Kant, a human being is a subject
which composed of empirical and transcendental knowledge. Due to this paradigm,
human-being cannot use transcendental knowledge, because it lives with its
experiences. (Kovanlıkaya, 2007) Mind and outer world controls how it exists. With
the transformations in science, “culture and body” relationship was started to
study by Mauss. He realized the differences in social behaviour between
cultures in the field of anthropology. Body has invisible codes organized in
culture just like as language. (Mauss, 1973)
From these times till now, body,
generally, is still discussed in two dualistic ways. It is claimed that body
has a core/essence or even if it has a core, it is at least a subject and exists
as being a subject. (Kongar, 2011) This
dualism is an ideology which makes a body-image with boundaries. It tends to
lose its validity by separating body with external and internal images. Body-image
could be nothing, but it could be accepted as like as a signifier of a mental
concept. Mind and body is in a unity. It could not be separated. Merlau-Ponty
states that to name body as “living-body” could explain that unity. Because
body is a living thing that is the center of perception and cognition. According to Dewey; self and world, mind and body and
subject and object can not be specified
in isolation from one another.
With the
light of “living body” it could be said that the invisible thing about body
concept is not an inner body or knowledge of a mystical soul. It is more
complex. Because body exists in a social space as a structure of jural,
political, and economic positions, statuses and roles in which the individual is only ambiguously standed behind. On the other hand; social space is
experienced by individuals who are confronting with it integrally and not as “segmentalized”
into statuses and roles. In that case, how “living body” could be read with its
existence in urban space?
1.2.
What is “body politcs in urban space”?
Living body exists in space with a
habitual and reflective knowledge. Basically, it could be said that body has
habits. Crossly explains, habits are
forms of embodied creative agency, shaping meaningful and purposive conduct,
arising out of the interaction between the organisms. In addition, people sense
and evaluate meanings through habits. With this definition of habit, “habit and
space” create a new concept “habitus” by Bourdiue. Performing bodies composes
habitus with their habits by their reflection. As being “embodiment of habits”
habitus could give interpretation about urban space. And also the significant
point for the research is that political power, could develop new habits again
and again for individuals.
Surrealist director Bunuel’s film “LE
FANTOME DE LA LIBERTE” (image.0.3.) could be given as an example of re-shaped
habitus. In the film habits like eating together, going to toilet in a closed
room alone change space. A sitting room looks like a toilet room where
individuals have nice time together and a closed room looks like a private room
where people eat by themselves quickly.
To understand power on body which
develops habits, marketing companies and media would be interpreted. Marketting
companies claim that new residential places have urban spaces. In the description
of new urban spaces, a new living style which is far away from unsafe, dity,
chaotic spaces, is being represented. Body is told like a machine in this
scenario.
The body, in the main role, belongs to
a man. “The man is coming from work to home and quickly, he met his wife who is
coming from a fitness center to have a coffee in the lobby of their appartment,
then a little child comes from creche where is also in the housing complex.”
Every action is declared like a machine. So people are in safe in their new
city life. In addition, political power develop the term of safety again with
media for some parts of city. Harvey states that at past, low income group
people, were discriminated by other income groups; but now they discriminated
and labeled as “ the other” with the term of unsafety. Most of citizens are
afraid to go to some areas because of others’ life. There are invisible walls
between these places and city, despite they are very centeral.
On the other hand, some of these new
safe places are imitations of “historic” city. But what is history? In that
statement, instead of historic (4), nostalgic could also be used. Because
nostalgia produces the meaning of historic again as an axiology of the form. According
to Tanyeli, nostalgia is a picture of history which makes people imagine a
picture of present and –thus- which makes the power’s discourse gain
legality.(5) So the term of nostalgia signs to a history which is educated,
static, chronologic. Designing a life form without the inputs of living body and
movement is imitating historic city like
building “aesthetic” forms such as houses with covings. Also nostalgic city
life is popular in media. In the new scenario, there is a big family where
social roles are very well defined. This image of life is in contrast with
unsafe city image in marketting companies of new housing complexes, but a part
of nostalgia. Because picture of a static history is a tool for political power
just like body image.
As like as the relationship between
living body and body image; there is a relationship between historic and
collective memory. Historic is something like an image, but collective memory
is being lived by people in urban spaces.(Tanyeli,2011) It shapes habitus and
habitus shapes it. It is not an absolute knowledge, but it could be researched
in urban space.
Body politics in urban space, are
creating a new habitus like gated communities where individuals would be in “safe”.
And other marketting strategy is having “nostalgic” urban spaces like city.
Nostalgia is pictured by media in also some tv shows with the “beautiful forms
of past”. The term of nostalgia creates an image of hictoric urban space. It
could be claimed that these two basic consepts – which could be multiplied- “safety
and nostalgia” create a thought of an ideal life form.
With the ligth of these interpretations
it could be claimed that urban space is complex to read by researchers because
of this multi-layered issue; politics on body.To observe political power on
body without defining a method, a group which includes five people, went to
Kumkapı where one of urban renewal project is going on.
2.
Re-moving in Kumkapı
2.1.Why did we move?
|DAY1| (6)
At the beginning, there wasn’t any
thought about how to do a research. The group walked around the area and played
with some children spontaneously. The methodology was discussed with the idea
of “body”.
|DAY2|
When a researcher do a discovery on the
site, he/she owns a role of researcher. It seperates the space and researcher’s
body as subject and object. At this point the question of “whose body?” could
be asked. According to Deleuze, not only the researcher but also people who
live in the space are in a unity. To seperate them and try to discover a space
could produce a daily language which is being reproduced by political power
with media. Instead of representing well known ideas again, to get a subjective
paradigm the group decided to experience the area with their bodies.
Not to dance but to move was thought to
experience body. Because subject – object dualism is just like performer –
audience dualism and it was important not to create a stage as being not
dancing but moving bodies. In addition, getting movement free from dance is as
similary as getting space free from architecture. Moving without ritm, music
and gestuses, in another meaning not being a dancer, could let the group just
move purely.But how to move?
2.2. How did we move?
|DAY2| (still)
As like as most people, the group had a
“safety” feeling about the site. So firstly a car park was used to get ready
and to think how to move. As a starting point of any movement using the parts
of body which are spine, secrum, pelvis was decided. Walking but with leading movement from pelvis
to social space could be given as an example. It is different from a daily
walking. Because the person who moves open its body to space instead of moving
in a normal way.
After getting ready, from car park to a
little square the group walked with this method. The square where is a tea
place for men, many little malls, fruit juice sellers on street and where train
station opens to. In this new area, where the group came spontaneously, not
walking around but moving in the zone was decided. Before moving there, the
group talked about eye contact. There should be a natural eye contact and if
somebody from publicneeded to ask a question they decided to answer. The second
area was exciting because of train station. People walke through rapidly, just
looked in a few minutes, but space was changing because of increasement of
people’s number and their speed. The men in tea shop went out to watch the
movement in small groups. The owners’ of shops were curious and some of them
asked what the people in the movement group were doing. Here the group walked
in the zone like they were walking from car park to square but at that moment
they used repeating and stopping the movement in every part of square with the
people who were passing through and standing on to sell something or watching
the movement.
The group decided to move in front of
an old housing block near a crowded road. The walkway was narrow, so the people
who were passing the walkway, met the group, they had to walk slower and
watched the movement. The drivers’of car was suprised. The group moved as same
as the square, but now not in a zone but in a line. Tension on the spine was
used and here again repetition and stillness was important.
At the end of the second day some notes
were taken. (7)
- Some people who are probably Afghan has
smiled to the group in a kind way. They probably saw the group as strangers, so
they migth feel themselves as strangers.
- Some people said “ we have have
enough crayz people in the neighbourhood”
- Nobody got angry.
- Somebody said that it was a political
action.
- Somebody asked, one of the people in
the movement group answered: “ We are just moving around.”
- If we record the movement it would be
like a show.
|DAY3|
After editing the photograps which were
taken secretly, the group went to move in Kumkapı again to interpret the
experiences. The same three areas were used for moving: 1- car park to square
walking route, 2-square 3- in the line in front of an old housing block. The
movement was familiar for citiziens in Kumkapı.
0. (8)
At the end of the experimental research
to re-map the area, the name “ re-moving” was given to this methodology.Sensing
the potential of a living space could be possible with a re-moving methodology.
To critisize and develop “the movement” during the experience was important.
Not only in Kumkapı but also in any area – also new residental complexes –
could be researched with re-moving. Because moving with a different way from
daily-life is a fluid state of being and becoming. Moments of moving migth be
beyond reason but it is a state of perception and cognition.
With
re-moving in Kumkapı, it experienced that Kumkapı has fluid urban spaces which
have various possibilities. Living in fluid urban spaces is a right to city as
Harvey states, not in a static and nostalgic city or very “safe” mechanical,
floored living places.
The Kumkapı re-movement, let the
research got the connections between body-political power-movement. It was not
only a remapping method but also a hidden poltical act agains power on body by
making the “other” people remembered the strong term of living body.
Notes
1.
Five people are me and;
-Ali
Aslan: Studying architecture in ITU. He is both dancing and researching dance
theories.
-Erdem
Gündüz: He studied modern dance in YTU. He is studying in master programme of
modern dance in MSGSU. He is also one of the active member of Çatı Dance.
-Işıl
Uysal: Research assistant in Architecture Faculty of Maltepe University. Her
thesis project in ITU, is about body. She is also one of the member of Çatı Dance.
-Ömer
Uysal: One of the founders of Çatı Dance- voluntary association of contemporary
dance. He is also an acedemician in the field of biostatistics. He is dancing
over 20 years. He participated in many international performances as
choreographer and dancer.
Thanks
to Çatı Dance, Ömer, Erdem, Işıl and Ali.
2.
Part “1. Observing Body Politics in Urban Space”
3.
Part “2. Re-moving in Kumkapı”
4.
historical. In Turkish: Tarihsel.
5.
In Turkish: ... söylemin meşruiyet kazanması
6.
|Day 1|, |Day2|,|Day3| are days that the research group went to Kumkapı. These
parts are composed with recordings of talkings in the site.
7.
These notes were very subjective and written in this research as they noted.
8.
The end of research is a new starting point. In addition, the first 0. part
could be combined with second 0. part. Because the second 0. part is the cont.
of first one.
9.
The video work of re-moving could be got from cd.
Images
0.1.:
Kumkapı|Day 1|: Hidden camera record during moving in Kumkapı; photographed by
Ali Aslan; edited by Gülşah Aykaç. 11.2011, Kumkapı, Istanbul.
References
1.
Aksan, Ş. (2007) Yirmibirinci Yüzyılda
Dans Sanatı: Kuram ve Pratik, Bgst yay., İstanbul.
2.
Boym, S. (1959) The Future Of Nostalgia,
Basic Books, US
3.
Deleuze, G. “Denetim Toplumları”,
http://www.korotonomedya.net/theoria/dentop.htm
4.
Deleuze, G. (2009) “ Gilbert Simondon, Birey ve Onun
Psikobiyolojik Oluşumu”; Issız Ada ve
Diğer Metinler, Lapoujade D. (ed.), pp.137-142.
5.
Demez, G. (2009) “Sınıfsal ve Bireysel Kimlik Oluşumunda Beden Sorunu:
Habitus”, Toplum Bilim, number 24, pp.17-25.
6.
Direk, Z. (2007) Cinsiyetli Olmak,
Yky Yay.
7.
Harvey, D. “Contested Cities, Social Process and Spatial Form”, from reading
list of Remapping İstanbul course.
8.
Huizinga, J. (2010) Homo Ludens, Ayrıntı yay, İstanbul.
9.
Mauss, M., (1973) “Techniques of the body”, Economy and Society, 2:1, 70-88
10.
Merleau-Ponty, M. (2006) Göz ve Tin,
Metis, İstanbul.
11.
Nazlı, A. (2009) “Sosyolojik Bakışın Eşiğindeki Beden”, Toplum Bilim, number
24, pp. 61-68.
12.
Synnott, A. (1993) “ Body”, The Body
Social, Routledge, London.
13.
Tanyeli, U. (2011) Rüya İnşa İtiraz,
Boyut yay., Istanbul.
